A review essay on books by (1) Edward Newman, Ramesh Thakur, & John Tirman [Eds], Multilateralism under Challenge: Power, International Order and Structural Change (Tokyo: United Nations U Press, 2006); (20 Bertrand Badie & Guillaume Devin [Eds], Le Multilateralisme. Nouvelles formes de l'action internationale ([Multilateralism. New Forms of International Action] Paris: Editions La Decorverte, 2007); & (3) Dimitris Bourantonis, Kostas Ifantis & Panayotis Tsakonas [Eds], Multilateralism and Security Institutions in an Era of Globalization (London: Routledge, 2008).
Discusses the third Spanish presidency of the European Union (EU), 2002. The first under a conservative government, the presidency of Jose Maria Aznar can be characterized by (1) continuity in terms of economic liberalization, antiterrorism, & the EU issues of the constitutional convention & enlargement; (2) pragmatism in terms of EU reform; & a European trend toward Right politics. The organization & agenda of council & ministerial meetings are examined, & the 6 priorities of the president's program are delineated. The somewhat populist Action Programme against illegal immigration is noted, along with this last-minute agenda item's clash with the Tampere program, which centers on integration rather than punitive action. Progress with the Lisbon program -- based on ideas of full employment, fiscal discipline, economic liberalization, & labor reform -- is assessed. The implementation of points in the Tampere program revolving around Justice & Home Affairs are addressed, highlighting the impact of the September 11 (2001) attacks on counterterrorism measures with respect to detention, extradition, & immigration policies. The Spanish initiative against illegal immigration (Action Programme) is touched on again, noting that it was tempered by opposing states & that it underscores the complexities of making global immigration policy. Attention turns to the problematic enlargement agenda, noting Spanish-German tensions over negotiations. Aznar's intervention in the future of Europe debate is briefly described, along with the idea of broadening & strengthening the EU's international political & security role, particularly vis-a-vis the US, Latin America, the Mediterranean, & the Middle East. Aznar's part in the G8 meeting in Canada is noted in closing. J. Zendejas
Active participation in CFSP during the 1990s helped enhance Spain's diplomatic status. By the latter half of the decade, there were no issues of fundamental principle at stake for Spain in relation to CFSP. Rather, the focus was on securing modest improvements to EU foreign policy instruments. In this respect, Spain was increasingly cautious, favoring intergovernmental procedures & only a very gradual, incremental development of European foreign policy cooperation. Such caution emerged during the PSOE administration, but became more notable under the first PP government. CFSP produced different effects depending on the policy area: in the Mediterranean it facilitated a Europeanization of Spain's strategic interests; in Russia it allowed Spain to let other EU states take the lead in protecting European interests; in Latin America it was insufficient for Spanish objectives, the latter having to be pursued through national policies. Spain became a more mainstream & influential actor within CFSP, but still fell short of enjoying major player status. 1 Table, 42 References. Adapted from the source document.
The frozen conflict between the Moldovan central state and the separatist Transnistrian region has caused numerous security problems in the immediate neighbourhood of the EU-from flourishing criminal networks to a controversial Russian military presence. This article examines how the EU has responded to these security challenges, both on a rhetorical and practical level. The theoretical framework that guides the analysis assumes that in contrast to earlier concepts of the EU as a foreign policy actor, in particular the civilian and normative power Europe concepts, the EU is not a single-type actor. EU foreign policy is rather characterized by two conflicting approaches: on the one hand, by a security provider approach and, on the other hand, a security consumer approach. In the case of EU conflict management in Moldova, it is argued that the EU has turned from a passive security consumer into an emerging security provider, though the possibility exists that due to Russia influence the EU may become once more a security consumer. Adapted from the source document.
